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Whistleblower Support


 FBI Covers Up Nuclear Secrets Theft
 

FBI 'Covers Up' Files & Documents
Exposing Nuclear Secrets Theft

The Sunday Times

January 20, 2007

THE FBI has been accused of covering up a key case file detailing evidence against corrupt government officials and their dealings with a network stealing nuclear secrets.

The assertion follows allegations made in The Sunday Times two weeks ago by Sibel Edmonds, an FBI whistleblower, who worked on the agency’s investigation of the network.

Edmonds, a 37-year-old former Turkish language translator, listened into hundreds of sensitive intercepted conversations while based at the agency’s Washington field office.

She says the FBI was investigating a Turkish and Israeli-run network that paid high-ranking American officials to steal nuclear weapons secrets. These were then sold on the international black market to countries such as Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.

One of the documents relating to the case was marked 203A-WF-210023. Last week, however, the FBI responded to a freedom of information request for a file of exactly the same number by claiming that it did not exist. But The Sunday Times has obtained a document signed by an FBI official showing the existence of the file.

Edmonds believes the crucial file is being deliberately covered up by the FBI because its contents are explosive. She accuses the agency of an “outright lie”.

“I can tell you that that file and the operations it refers to did exist from 1996 to February 2002. The file refers to the counterintelligence programme that the Department of Justice has declared to be a state secret to protect sensitive diplomatic relations,” she said.

The freedom of information request had not been initiated by Edmonds. It was made quite separately by an American human rights group called the Liberty Coalition, acting on a tip-off it received from an anonymous correspondent.

The letter says: “You may wish to request pertinent audio tapes and documents under FOIA from the Department of Justice, FBI-HQ and the FBI Washington field office.”

It then makes a series of allegations about the contents of the file – many of which corroborate the information that Edmonds later made public.

Edmonds had told this newspaper that members of the Turkish political and diplomatic community in the US had been actively acquiring nuclear secrets. They often acted as a conduit, she said, for Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Pakistan’s spy agency, because they attracted less suspicion.

She claimed corrupt government officials helped the network, and venues such as the American-Turkish Council (ATC) in Washington were used as drop-off points.

The anonymous letter names a high-level government official who was allegedly secretly recorded speaking to an official at the Turkish embassy between August and December 2001.

It claims the government official warned a Turkish member of the network that they should not deal with a company called Brewster Jennings because it was a CIA front company investigating the nuclear black market. The official’s warning came two years before Brewster Jennings was publicly outed when one of its staff, Valerie Plame, was revealed to be a CIA agent in a case that became a cause célèbre in the US.

The letter also makes reference to wiretaps of Turkish “targets” talking to ISI intelligence agents at the Pakistani embassy in Washington and recordings of “operatives” at the ATC.

Edmonds is the subject of a number of state secret gags preventing her from talking further about the investigation she witnessed.

“I cannot discuss the details considering the gag orders,” she said, “but I reported all these activities to the US Congress, the inspector general of the justice department and the 9/11 commission. I told them all about what was contained in this case file number, which the FBI is now denying exists.

“This gag was invoked not to protect sensitive diplomatic relations but criminal activities involving US officials who were endangering US national security.”

Insight: Chris Gourlay, Jonathan Calvert and Joe Lauria

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article3216737.ece
Posted by Victorian Muse at 2:41 PM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 Write for fun and therapy...
 

Hi. I just started an interactive story (fiction - action adventure) on Writing.Com. It is a chance for some amusement and maybe a pressure release for some folks. It is called "A. R. Bolen Aerospace Company" and is ID#1377451. bitem: 1377451

Go to this addres to link to my portfolio.
http://Writing.Com/authors/2Whimsical

Each person who contributes adds a chapter to the life of young Jonathan Parker, new employee of the A. R. Bolen Aerospace Company. Yes, there will be an opportunity to get a little reality into the fantasy in here, and maybe Jon will even get to be a whistleblower...

It is in my portfolio. You are invited to visit and add to the story. Have fun!

Update: I added a second interractive to be about fictional federal employees as well. Have even more fun!

G. F. Scott
Posted by Victorian Muse at 2:50 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 

 Update from Whistleblower, Gerald Eastman
 

The Last Inspector's Blog - Fighting FAA & Boeing Fraud from the 737 to the 787FeedContact

Boeing Credibility?

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Wednesday, January 16, 2008, 10:13 PM
The public is now learning what I and numerous other people have known for untold years--there are few statements as oxymoronic as "Boeing Credibility".

During the announcement of the third delay of the 787 today, one of Boeing's executives stated that they knew Boeing's credibility was being tested. This executive's statement brings up the same question that comes to mind when you think about the still far from complete first 787 flight test airplane being tested--how do you test something that doesn't seem to exist? Yes the 787 first flight test airplane does exist in some stage of assembly Boeing won't credibly discuss, it would seem. However, as far as a flight test ready 787 aircraft goes, no such animal exists, just as Boeing's "credibility" doesn't seem to exist at this point to most.

Sure, Boeing does release true information from time to time. But the press is finding it more and more difficult it seems to tell the true bits of information from the Boeing "spin" that makes one take everything Boeing puts out these days with a bag full of salt.

Three times now Boeing has proven itself not credible, and that is just on the subject of the 787 program status. Take other Boeing statements made, such as the statement that nothing could slip through Boeing's multiple layered quality system (paraphrasing, of course), and you begin to see Boeing for what it is--as one Boeing Corporate Manager stated to me it was--the most arrogant company on the face of the planet.

Do arrogant companies have to tell the truth and/or even have to care whether or not they tell the truth to the public and their investors?--Of course not. Least of all the most arrogant company on the planet.

It's amazing that the press is now stating the truth about one aspect of the 787 program delays--that unprecedented outsourcing of historically Boeing performed work has backfired and been a cause of the delays of the program.

It's Boeing IAM and SPEEA union workers that are now working hard trying to save the company's bacon from this huge error on Boeing management's part driven by greed and a related one sided war on its part against its own union workforce.

Unions are only formed when a company's management won't treat its workers with the respect and fairness they deserve. Unfortunately. Boeing has not buried the hatchet when it comes to its own workforce, and many people at Boeing do nothing all day but try to decrease Boeing's "worker bee" population ala Scrooge's pre-epiphany cold hearted view of what should happen to those below his station in life.

As for the 787 program delays, who is to blame? Boeing says the suppliers are responsible because they aren't completing their work on time. This shows a naivet'e that you would think would be absent at such a huge corporation. However, even at mega-corporations like Boeing, the temptation to blame the other guy is too easy and convenient and hard to resist.

Of course, Boeing solely is to blame for every one of the three delays. They picked the suppliers. They monitored (or, it looks like at this point, didn't monitor) their supplier's performance. They had the responsibility to have backup plans in place to meet quality and schedule targets if any supplier failed to do so.

But Boeing blamed the other guy when the corporation Boeing stared at in the mirror was really to blame--yet another strike against its self-purported "credibility."

Boeing's credibility (to the extent it may have existed at one time) has already been tested through these delays and multiple other events, and it has failed those tests--or, perhaps, it was never demonstrated because it was never really there.

Those who know me know that I have credibility. Strange, isn't it, that the corporation accusing me has demonstrated numerous times now its lack of credibility, whereas mine remains intact. I think people will easily be able to judge the truthfulness and motives of Boeing for what they are if and when the time comes for them to do so.

It's been a long time. I wish all of you not involved in the fraud I witnessed at Boeing and the FAA a happy New Year. Lots more to write, but the rigors of daily life interrupt for now.

Gerry

AKA The Last Inspector.

Posted by Victorian Muse at 11:51 PM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 National Security Archive: The Pentagon's Counter Spies
 

The Pentagon's Counterspies
The Counterintelligence Field Activity (CIFA)

Documents Describe Organization and Operations of Controversial Agency and Database\

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 230
Edited by Jeffrey Richelson
Posted - September 17, 2007
For more information contact:
Jeffrey Richelson - 202/994-7000
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB230/index.htm


Washington, DC, September 17, 2007 - Today the National Security Archive publishes a collection of documents concerning the organization and operations of the Pentagon's Counterintelligence Field Activity (CIFA) and the TALON/CORNERSTONE database it has maintained. As the Defense Department announced on August 21, today that database will be terminated while work on new procedures for reporting of threats to the Defense Department and its facilities continues. In the interim, threat reports will be transmitted to the FBI.
The declassified documents published today include the key Department of Defense directive on the collection of information about Americans, as well as documents on the organization and missions of CIFA, an evaluation of charges of mismanagement by CIFA executives, and examples of data collected about protest activities as part of the Threat And Local Observation Notice (TALON) system.
Central to the collection are the documents that show the internal and public response by the Defense Department to questions raised about the propriety of the data base - specifically, its collection and retention of data on political protests. Also, included is a DoD Inspector General report on the operation of the TALON system, identifying a number of problems in operation of the system.

Electronic Briefing Book
The Pentagon's Counterspies
The Counterintelligence Field Activity (CIFA)
By Jeffrey Richelson
The Counterintelligence Field Activity (CIFA), also known for a time as the Joint Counterintelligence Assessment Group (JCAG), was established by Department of Defense Directive 5105.67 (Document 2) in February 2002. A Defense Department background paper (Document 7) traces CIFA's origins to Presidential Decision Directive (PDD)- 75, "U.S. Counterintelligence Effectiveness - Counterintelligence for the 21st Century," signed by President William Clinton on January 5, 2001. PDD-75 called for a predictive and proactive counterintelligence (CI) system with integrated oversight of counterintelligence issues across national security agencies. (Note 1)
CIFA's functions, according to the February 2002 directive were to include:
· evaluating DoD counterintelligence activities to determine the extent to which counterintelligence policies and resources adequately protect the Defense Department against the threats of "espionage, terrorism, sabotage, assassination, and other covert or clandestine activities, including those of foreign intelligence services,"
· providing counterintelligence threat assessments, advisories, and risk assessments to the heads of DoD components,
· providing "tailored analytical and data-mining support" to DoD counterintelligence field elements and activities,
· conducting "Domestic Threat Analyses and Risk Assessments," and
· identifying and tracking "technologies requiring protection." (Note 2)
In 2005 CIFA's authority was expanded when it received mission tasking authority (MTA) over the counterintelligence organizations of the military departments, such as the Air Force Office of Special Investigations and the counterintelligence components of Defense Department agencies. An even more extensive expansion of CIFA's authority had been proposed earlier that year by The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, also known as the Robb-Silberman Commission. The Commission suggested that CIFA "should have operational and investigative authority to coordinate and conduct counterintelligence activities throughout the Defense Department." (Note 3)
After consultations with the National Security Council staff members responsible for implementing the Commission's recommendations, the Defense Department expanded CIFA's authority, but not to the extent suggested by the Commission. The tasking authority assigned to CIFA does not allow it to conduct counterintelligence agencies throughout the Defense Department but allows it to task any military department or DoD agency counterintelligence component to "execute a specific CI mission or conduct a CI function within that organization's charter." (Note 4)
CIFA has about 400 full-time employees and provides work for 800-900 contractor personnel. (Note 5) Its organizational structure (Document 3a) includes nine directorates, whose missions are explained in the CIFA Fact Sheet (Document 3b).

Among the reports produced by CIFA are Significant Activity Summaries, Special Reports, Briefings, and Threat Advisories. According to one report, one briefing paper prepared by CIFA concerns whether Islam has been radicalized by terrorists or is inherently radical and supportive of terrorism. The briefing noted that "political Islam wages an ideological battle against the non-Islamic world at the tactical, operational and strategic level. The West's response is focused at the tactical and operational level, leaving the strategic level - Islam - unaddressed." (Note 6)
A special report produced by CIFA's West Coast detachment is the July 29, 2005, Production and Use of Fraudulent Military Identification Cards (Document 6). It summarized several incidents, including the observation of three individuals in a restaurant in Yukon, Oklahoma, using a laptop computer to produce what appeared to be military ID cards. Also noted was the seizure of equipment used to produce counterfeit military ID cards following a traffic stop near an Air National Guard Base in Michigan. (Note 7)
The information contained in the report concerning the incidents in Oklahoma and Michigan were drawn from reports that had been produced as part of CIFA's Threat and Local Observation Notice (TALON) reporting system - a system first established by the Air Force prior to the creation of CIFA. (Note 8) A Defense Department information paper (Document 14) on the system stated that:
The ability to acquire and analyze suspicious activity reports for indications of possible terrorist pre-attack activities is an absolutely critical component of the intelligence support to [the] force protection mission. Terrorists have the advantage of choosing the time and venue for their attacks, but normally have to conduct extensive pre-attack preparations to maximize their chances of success. The pre-attack phase of a terrorist operation, however, is the period of greatest vulnerability to the terrorist group, since it must surface to collect intelligence and conduct physical surveillance and other activities of the target... Therefore, an effective system for detecting terrorist pre-attack activities is a high priority task for the intelligence community, law enforcement, security elements, and local community authorities. (Note 9)
In May 2003, the Deputy Secretary of Defense decreed (Document 4) that TALON would be the formal mechanism for assembling and sharing "non-validated" domestic information among intelligence, counterintelligence, law enforcement, security, and force protection organizations. Events reported (by DoD personnel, "concerned citizens," or local law enforcement) under the TALON system were to include "non-specific" threats to the Defense Department; suspected surveillance of DoD facilities and personnel; elicitation (attempts to obtain security-related or military-specific information by anyone without the appropriate security clearance and need-to-know); tests of security; unusual repetitive activity; bomb threats; as well as any other suspicious activity. He also directed that, "to the maximum extent possible," TALON reports should be classified at the lowest possible level to ensure maximum distribution." (Note 10)
As of 2005, the database of TALON and other counterintelligence reports was designated CORNERSTONE, while the intelligence and law enforcement system for sharing TALON and other related reports is known as the Joint Protection Enterprise Network (JPEN). In late 2005, it was reported that an effort, designated Project Voyager, was underway to improve the CORNERSTONE database to support coordination with local, state and federal law enforcement. (Note 11)

The database consists of a chronological listing by report date that also provides an incident date, incident summary, locations of the city/installation and state of the incident, type of incident (e.g. threat or anti-DoD vandalism), the disposition of the case (open or unresolved), credibility, whether the report was further researched, and the reason a report was discounted. The database is also undoubtedly used in data mining activities. Since March 2004, CIFA has awarded at least $33 million to a variety of major corporations to develop techniques for combing through classified and unclassified documents, commercial information, and Internet traffic to detect terrorists and spies. (Note 12)
One CIFA-supported database project, conducted by Northrop Grumman and designated "Person Search," is intended to "provide comprehensive information about people of interest." It is intended to include the ability to search government and commercial databases. The objective of a second project, "The Insider Threat Initiative," is, according to the Computer Sciences Corporation contract, to "develop systems able to detect mitigate and investigate insider threats," as well as to "identify and document normal and abnormal activities and 'behaviors'." Another contract provided a small firm with funding to develop techniques "to track and monitor activities of suspect individuals." (Note 13)
The Air Force produced 1,200 such reports in the 14 month period concluding at the end of September 2003. In the program's first year CIFA received more than 5,000 TALON reports. By mid-January 2006, the database contained about 13,000 items. (Note 14)

The database of TALON reports has contained some very different types of reports. The 400-page database of 1,519 "suspicious" incidents that were observed between July 2004 and May 2005 contained about two dozen that appeared to concern real threats. In August 2004 there was an aborted terrorist attack against Florida governor Jeb Bush and the USS Momsen at Panama City, Florida, during a decommissioning ceremony. Two reports from November 2004 concerned possible surveillance of the National Security Agency by nationals from the People's Republic of China and three North Korean illegals found on the Luke Air Force Base Bombing Range in Arizona. Reports from May 2005 concerned a South Florida Al-Qaeda associate who was in possession of a pilot's license and had worked as a baggage handler at a Florida airport, and the identification of a U.S. person as an alleged financial conduit for suspected Al-Qaeda members. (Note 15)
A very different type of TALON report from August 2004 concerned the arrest, in Atlanta, Georgia, of a Navy enlisted man for driving under the influence; a subsequent search of his vehicle revealed "a picture of Usama bin Laden displayed as a screensaver on [his] cellular telephone. But it was a third type of TALON report, concerning the anti-war movement, that would prove to be controversial. One of these was a report submitted by the 902nd Military Intelligence Group, the Army Intelligence and Security Command's domestic counterintelligence unit. The report, which was listed in the database as pertaining to a "threat," concerned a small gathering of activists at a Quaker Meeting House in Lake Worth, Florida, to plan a protest of military recruiting at local high schools. (Note 16)
Another example of an event that attracted the attention of the 902nd was a March 2005 peace march through the streets of Akron, Ohio, that involved about 200 people and included stops outside a Marine Corps recruiting center and FBI office to listen to speeches against the Iraq war. Based on a tip from the Pentagon the marchers were followed by police cars. In addition, analysts with 902nd downloaded information from activist web sites, intercepted e-mails, and cross-referenced the data they acquired with information in police databases. In that or other instances photographs and records of protesters and their vehicles have been reviewed to determine if different activities were being organized by the same individuals. The analyst's conclusion was that "Even though these demonstrations are advertised as 'peaceful,' they are assessed to present apotential force protection threat." (Note 17)
There were approximately four dozen reports concerning anti-war meetings or protests, including reports that remained in the database long after it was concluded that the targets were unrelated to any threat. Among the meetings that attracted the attention of military counterintelligence authorities were a large anti-war protest in Los Angeles in March 2005, a planned protest against military recruiters in Boston in December 2004, a planned demonstration outside the gates of the Fort Collins, Colorado, military base, and a planned protest at McDonald's National Salute to America's Heroes - a military air and sea show in Ft. Lauderdale, Florida. It was concluded that the Ft. Lauderdale protest was not a credible threat and a column in the database noted that it was a "US group exercising constitutional rights." (Note 18)

Press revelations - particularly in the Washington Post, the Post's Early Warning Web log, and on NBC - that CIFA's TALON database included reports on such activities revived memories of Army surveillance of anti-war activities during the 1970s, and the concern, by some, that the Pentagon had crossed the line from legitimate force protection activities to unjustified snooping on legitimate political activities. The Defense Department's response to the disclosures included a statement offering reassurance that the department "views with the greatest concern any potential violation of strict DoD policy governing authorized counter-intelligence efforts and support to law enforcement." More concretely, it claimed that a "dot of information that was not validated as threatening is required to be removed from the TALON system in less than ninety days." (Note 19)
The statement also revealed, in addition to a review of the TALON system that had been initiated in October by CIFA, that the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence had directed that four actions be taken after an initial assessment of TALON reporting procedures: (1) a "thorough review of the TALON reporting system to ensure it complies fully with DoD and U.S. laws"; (2) a review to determine whether TALON policies and procedures "are being properly applied with respect to any reporting and retention of information about any U.S. persons; (3) a review of the TALON data base to identify any other information improperly in the data base; and (4) refresher training for all DoD counterintelligence and intelligence personnel "concerning laws, policies, and procedures governing collection, reporting and storing information related to warning of potential threats to DoD personnel, facilities, or national security interests." (Note 20)
The statement was followed by a January 13, 2006, memo from the Deputy Secretary of Defense (Document 9) concerning the "Retention and Use of Information for the TALON System." In addition to specifying refresher training it gave the Director of CIFA until January 17, 2006, to advise the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence that all reports in the TALON database had been reviewed to identify any reports that did not belong. It also noted that the Under Secretary had established a working group to "review and recommend changes to policy and procedures employed in the TALON program to ensure compliance with DoD policy." (Note 21)

Two weeks later, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense (Counterintelligence and Security) Robert W. Rogalski provided an update (Document 10) on the review of the TALON system to the ranking member of the Senate Committee on Armed Services. In his letter, Rogalski stated that TALON reporting had led to "a number of investigations," including terrorism investigations as well as identifying patterns that allowed the Defense Department to change security procedures in order to deter potential terrorist activities. Rogalski also wrote that:
Although the TALON reporting system was intended to document suspicious incidents possibly linked to foreign terrorist threats to DoD resources, some came to view the system as a means to report information about demonstrations and anti-base activity that would be of interest to field commanders from a force protection perspective. A very small percentage of these reports were submitted to the TALON/CORNERSTONE database.
CIFA has removed the TALON reports on demonstrations and anti-base activity from the database. The process to remove other reports that are no longer analytically significant is ongoing. All TALON reports are now reviewed at CIFA upon receipt to ensure compliance with the TALON reporting criteria. (Note 22)
He also promised that the Defense Department would soon issue detailed guidance that would clarify the purpose of the database, the rules governing the collection and retention of information, and specify more detailed procedures to be followed. In addition, Rogalski reported, the database would be reviewed again to ensure compliance. (Note 23)

Eventually, 2% of the 13,000 reports in the database were determined to be improperly retained. In a memo issued at the end of March 2006, Deputy Secretary of Defense Gordon England (Document 12) informed its recipients that the review of the TALON Reporting System had been completed and confirmed that the system "should be used only to report information regarding possible international terrorist activity." (Note 24)
In April 2007, the new Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, Lt. Gen. James Clapper, reviewed the results of the TALON program, reporting that he "did not believe they merit continuing the program as currently constituted," according to a statement released by a Pentagon spokesman. However, a final decision on the program has not been made (or announced) by Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. (Note 25)
In June 2007, the Department of Defense Inspector General released the results of his review of the TALON reporting program (Document 16). Its findings included the observation that CIFA and the Northern Command "legally gathered and maintained U.S. person information on individuals or organizations involved in domestic protests and demonstrations against DOD" - information gathered for law enforcement and force protection purposes as permitted by Defense Department directive (5200.27) on the "Acquisition of Information Concerning Persons and Organizations Not Affiliated with the Department of Defense." However, CIFA did not comply with the 90-day retention review policy specified by that directive and the CORNERSTONE database did not have the capability to identify TALON reports with U.S. person information, to identify reports requiring a 90-day retention review, or allow analysts to edit or delete the TALON reports. (Note 26)

In August the Defense Department announced that it would shut down the CORNERSTONE database on September 17, with information subsequently collected on potential terror or security threats to Defense Department facilities or personnel being sent to an FBI data base known as GUARDIAN. A department spokesman said the database was being terminated because "the analytical value had declined," not due to public criticism, and that the Pentagon was hoping to establish a new system - not necessarily a database - to "streamline" threat reporting, according to a statement released by the Department's public affairs office. (Note 27)

Read the Documents
Note: The following documents are in PDF format.
You will need to download and install the free Adobe Acrobat Reader to view.
Document 1: Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, Department of Defense Directive 5240.1-R, Procedures Governing the Activities of the DOD Intelligence Components That Affect United States Persons, December 1982
Source: www.dhs.mil/whs/directives
This directive serves as the basic guidance for all DoD intelligence components, including CIFA, with respect to the collection, retention, and dissemination of information about U.S. persons. In addition to chapters dealing with those three topics, the directive also includes chapters on electronic surveillance, concealed monitoring, physical searches, searches and examination of mail, and physical surveillance.

Document 2: DoD Directive 5105.67, Department of Defense Counterintelligence Field Activity, February 19, 2002, Unclassified
Source: www.dhs.mil/whs/directives
This directives serves as the charter for CIFA. It specifies the mission of CIFA, DOD policy with regard to counterintelligence, its original organizational structure, the responsibilities of and functions of the senior Defense Department official responsible for intelligence (at the time the Assistant Secretary of Defense for C3I, the Director of CIFA, and other officials, the authorities of the CIFA director.

Document 3a: Counterintelligence Field Activity (CIFA) - Organization Chart. Unclassified
Document 3b: Counterintelligence Field Activity Fact Sheet. Unclassified
Source: Freedom of Information Act Request
Document 3a shows the nine directorates that make up the organizational structure of CIFA. Document 3b provides a description of the functions of each of the directorates.
Document 4: Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Secretary of Defense, Memorandum, Subject: Collection, Reporting, and Analysis of Terrorist Threats to DoD Within the United States, May 2, 2003. For Official Use Only
Source: www.washingtonpost.com/earlywarning
This memo from the deputy secretary of defense informs its recipients of a new DoD-wide reporting mechanism - the Threat and Local Observation Notice (TALON) - that contains raw information reported by members of the military as well as concerned citizens with regard to suspicious incidents. The memo also instructs a variety of DoD organizations to identify, collect, and report specific types of information consistent with the TALON framework. In addition, it specifies dissemination of such reports to appropriate military commanders and others responsible for installation security. One attachment provides background on the TALON system and an example of a TALON report.

Document 5: Department of Defense Inspector General, Counterintelligence Field Activity Data Call Submission and Internal Control Processes for Base Realignment and Closure 2005, May 13, 2005. For Official Use Only
Source: Freedom of Information Act Request
This report evaluates CIFA's provision of data with regard to base realignment and closure for 2005. The DoD IG conclude that CIFA's responses to the 17 questions posed "were generally not fully supported."

Document 6: DoD CIFA-W, Production and Use of Fraudulent Military Identification Cards, July 29, 2005. For Official Use Only
Source: www.washingtonpost.com/earlywarning
This report was prepared by the Western division of the CIFA. It reports on the production and attempted distribution of fraudulent military identification cards - summarizing three incidents that took place between March and July 2005. It also contains a section on "historical perspective" and another on "common access card (CAC) technology."
Document 7: Robert W. Rogalski, Acting Deputy Under Secretary of Defense (Counterintelligence & Security), Subject: Background Paper, Department of Defense Counterintelligence Field Activity, December 1, 2005, Unclassified, w/att: Memorandum, Subject: Mission Tasking Authority, October 24, 2005
Source: Freedom of Information Act Request
This background paper was prepared in response to press inquiries concerning the domestic intelligence surveillance activities of CIFA. It dates the establishment of CIFA, traces its origins, and specifies its functions. It notes that the military departments, rather than CIFA, are responsible for the "full spectrum" of counterintelligence functions. In addition, it reports that subsequent to the recommendation of a presidential panel and consultation with the NSC, CIFA was assigned Mission Tasking Authority - a responsibility that is explained at length in the attached memorandum.

Document 8: Stephen A. Cambone, Under Secretary of Defense (Intelligence) to John Warner, Chairman, Senate Committee on Armed Services, December 19, 2005. Unclassified
Source: www.defenselink.mil/pubs/foi/talon_policy.pdf
Cambone wrote this letter to Warner in response to an NBC Nightly News story "alleging that Department of Defense (DoD) entities are collecting information on American peace activists and monitoring protests against the Iraq war" - specifically highlighting entries in the TALON reporting system. In his letter Cambone seeks "to provide you some context not otherwise reported in the segment" - including the removal of "dots" of information in less than 90 if not validated.

Document 9: Gordon England, Deputy Secretary of Defense, Subject: Retention and Use of Information for the TALON System, January 13, 2006. Unclassified
Source: www.washingtonpost.com/earlywarning
This memo, addressed to key officials in the military services and Defense Department agencies, followed the heavy reporting on CIFA and TALON system that appeared in mid-December in both major newspapers and on television. The memo both directed refresher training for all DoD intelligence and counterintelligence personnel on the policies associated with the TALON system, as well as directing the director of CIFA to advise the Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence that all reports within the TALON database had been scrutinized to identify any reports that should not be in the database.
Document 10: Robert W. Rogalski, Acting Deputy Under Secretary of Defense (Counterintelligence and Security) to John Warner, Chairman, Senate Committee on Armed Services, January 27, 2006. Unclassified
Source: www.defenselink.mil/pubs/foi/talon_policy.pdf
This letter is a follow-up to Stephen Cambone's December 19, 2005 letter to Warner, intended to update Warner - based on the "nearly completed" review of the TALON system. In it, Cambone compares the TALON reporting system to a "neighborhood watch program" and notes the connection between TALON reporting and follow-up investigations, how the associated data-base came to include information about anti-base activity, and the removal of reports on demonstration and anti-base activity, and plans to issue new guidance.
Document 11: Stephen A. Cambone, Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence, Memorandum for Director, Counterintelligence Field Activity, Subject: The TALON/CORNERSTONE Database, February 2, 2006. Unclassified
Source: www.defenselink.mil/pubs/foi/talon_policy.pdf
This memorandum from the Department of Defense's senior intelligence official to the head of CIFA, following a review of TALON reporting, directed that all TALON reporting would conform to the provisions of the Department of Defense Directive governing the activities of department intelligence organizations that affect U.S. persons. He also directed that CIFA begin an immediate review to ensure that all reports in the TALON/CORNERSTONE database were in accordance with the DoD directive.

Document 12: Gordon England, Deputy Secretary of Defense, Memorandum, Threats to the Department of Defense, March 30, 2006, Unclassified w/enclosures: TALON Reporting System Procedures, Department of Defense memo of May 2, 2003 (Document 3)
Source: www.defenselink.mil/pubs/foi/talon_policy.pdf
This memorandum, addressed to senior officials in the Defense Department, Defense agencies and field activities, and military departments, is another that followed the review of the TALON Reporting System in the wake of press disclosures and questions about surveillance of anti-war and anti-base demonstrations. England directs the memos recipients to comply with the procedures listed in Enclosure 1 (TALON Reporting System Procedures) and ensure that the information in their TALON reports meet the criteria for reporting described in that enclosure.
Document 13: DoD Inspector General, Allegations of Mismanagement and Waste Within the Counterintelligence Field Activity, September 29, 2006. For Official Use Only/Law Enforcement Sensitive
Source: Freedom of Information Act Request
In addition to being the target of criticism for its domestic surveillance activities, CIFA was also the subject of allegations charging mismanagement, waste of taxpayers' dollars, and inadequate oversight at CIFA. One individual made were nine allegations. The DoD Inspector General's review concluded that four of the allegations were not substantiated, three were substantiated, and two warranted a referral to the Defense Criminal Investigative Service. Appendix contains a summary of the allegations, the DoD IG's findings and analysis. The specifics of the two allegations referred to the Defense Criminal Investigative Service are redacted from the released report.

Document 14: Department of Defense, Information Paper: DoD TALON, n.d. Unclassified
Source: www.pbs.org/now/politics/TALON.pdf
This undated paper on the TALON Reporting System, was written subsequent to Paul Wolfowitz's May 2, 2003 memorandum, but apparently before the controversy resulting from the December 2005 media reporting concerning TALON. It discusses the rationale and origins of the TALON System, noting some terrorist attacks where pre-attack surveillance (by the terrorists) either went undetected or unreported and "was only recognized in hindsight" and that after 9/11 a group of intelligence and security professionals met to develop a capability to gather and analyze information reports of suspicious activity that might indicate preparations for a terrorist attack.

Document 15: Department of Defense, Review of the TALON Reporting System, n.d. Unclassified
Source: www.aclu.org
While undated, this Department of Defense document was clearly produced in 2006 and reports on the results of the review of the TALON Reporting System that followed media disclosures and questions. The memo consists of four sections: "Key Points," "Areas of Confusion," "Status of the Cornerstone Database," and "Analysis of TALON Reports."
Document 16: Department of Defense Inspector General, Report No. 07-INTEL-09, The Threat and Local Observation Notice (TALON) Report Program, June 27, 2007. Unclassified
Source: www.dodig.mil
This inspector general report examines the legality and distribution of TALON reports. It also discusses the extent to which TALON reports contain U.S. person information and management actions and the impact of the Deputy Secretary of Defense's March 30, 2006 (Document 12) memo on the number of TALON reports produced.

Document 17a: TALON Report 902-09-11-04-110, November 9, 2004. Unclassified.
Document 17b: TALON Report 902-24-02-05-136, February 24, 2005. Unclassified.
Document 17c: TALON Report 902-01-03-05-148, March 1, 2005. Unclassified.
Document 17d: TALON Report 902-01-03-05-152, March 1, 2005. Unclassified.
Document 17e: TALON Report 902-07-03-05-167, March 7, 2005. Unclassified.
Document 17f: TALON Report 902-06-04-05-304, April 6, 2005. Unclassified.
Document 17g: TALON Report 902-08-04-05-320, April 8, 2005. Unclassified.
Document 17h: TALON Report TECH-12-04-05-008, April 12, 2005. Unclassified.
Document 17i: TALON Report 902-22-04-05-368, April 22, 2005. Unclassified.
Source: www.aclu.org
These released TALON reports focus on planned protests against the Iraq war and/or the military in general. They specify the incident type, source, subject, and details. The subjects of the reports include protests in the vicinity of the Sacramento Military Entrance Processing Station, a variety of military recruiting stations, and the Fort Lauderdale Air and Sea Show. Groups whose protests are noted in the reports include Veterans for Peace, the Broward Anti-War Coalition, and the American Friends Service Committee.
Document 18: Office of the Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs), DoD to Implement Interim Threat Reporting Procedures, August 21, 2007. Unclassified
Source: www.defenselink.mil
This brief announcement disclosed that CIFA would close the TALON/CORNERSTONE database on September 17, plans to develop a new reporting system, and information concerning force protection threats would be sent to the FBI until a new system was developed.

Notes
1. Robert W. Rogalski, Acting Deputy Under Secretary of Defense (Counterintelligence and Security), Memorandum for Public Release, Subject: Background Paper, Department of Defense Counterintelligence Field Activity, December 1, 2005; Walter Pincus, "Pentagon Expanding Its Domestic Surveillance Activity," www.washingtopost.com, November 27, 2005; National Counterintelligence Executive, "The Presidential Decision Directive on Counterintelligence," January 6, 2001, http://www.ncix.gov. That CIFA was also known as the Joint Counterintelligence Assessment Group is from Senator Richard Shelby, September 11 and the Imperative of Reform in the U.S. Intelligence Community, December 10, 2002, p. 38.
2. Department of Defense Directive 5105.67, Department of Defense Counterintelligence Field Activity (DoD CIFA), February 19, 2002.
3. Stephen A. Cambone, Memorandum, Subject: Mission Tasking Authority, October 24, 2005; The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, Report to the President of the United States (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2005), p. 574.
4. Cambone, Memorandum, Subject: Mission Tasking Authority.
5. Walter Pincus, "Counterintelligence Officials Resign," www.washingtonpost.com, August 10, 2006.
6. Paul Sperry, "The Pentagon Breaks the Islam Taboo," www.frontpagemag.com, December 14, 2005.
7. Department of Defense, Information Paper: DoD TALON; William Martin, CIFA West, Special Report, Production and Use of Fraudulent Military Identification Cards, July 29, 2005.
8. Department of Defense, Information Paper: DoD TALON, n.d.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.; Gordon England, Memorandum, Subject: Threats to the Department of Defense (DoD), March 30, 2006; William Arkin, "Early Warning - Code Name of the Week: Cornerstone," www.washingtonpost.com, November 29, 2005; Attachment to Paul Wolfowitz, Memorandum, Subject: Collection, Reporting, and Analysis of Terrorist Threats to DoD Within the United States, May 2, 2003.
11. William M. Arkin, "Early Warning - The Pentagon Breaks the Law," www.washingtonpost.com December 22, 2005; Arkin, "Early Warning - Code Name of the Week: Cornerstone."
12. Lisa Myers, Douglas Pasternak, and Rich Gardella, "Is the Pentagon spying on Americans?," www.msnbc.com, December 14, 2005.
13. Ibid.
14. Pincus, "Defense Facilities Pass Along Reports of Suspicious Activity"; Myers, Pasternak, and Gardella, "Is the Pentagon spying on Americans?"; Peter Spiegel, "Pentagon Threat Database Kept Reports It Shouldn't Have," Los Angeles Times, April 6, 2006, p. A31; Carol A. Haave, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Counter Intelligence and Security, "Intelligence Community Standards, Sharing and Collaboration: A Policy View," Statement for the Record before Subcommittee on Terrorism and Homeland Security, House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, May 13, 2004, p. 6.
15. William M. Arkin, "Early Warning - Pentagon Domestic Spying," www.washingtonpost.com, December 14, 2005.
16. Ibid.; Myers, Pasternak, and Gardella, "Is the Pentagon spying on Americans?"
17. Robert Block and Jay Solomon, "Pentagon Steps Up Intelligence Efforts Inside U.S. Borders," Wall Street Journal, April 27, 2006, pp. A1, A14.
18. Myers, Pasternak, and Gardella, "Is the Pentagon spying on Americans?"; Walter Pincus, "Pentagon Will Review Database on U.S. Citizens," www.washingtonpost.com, December 15, 2005; David S. Cloud, "Pentagon Is Said to Mishandle A Counterterrorism Database," New York Times, December 16, 2005, p. A36. In late 2006, TALON reports released to the ACLU included ones on planned American Friends Service Committee protests against recruiting centers in Springfield, Illinois and possible civil disobedience planned for three New York area recruiting centers. Also see Erich Lichtblau and Mark Mazzeti, "Military Data Reveal Tips on Antiwar Activities," New York Times, November 21, 2006, p. A17; TALON Report 902-24-02-05-136, Subject: Civil Disobedience Planned at Three New York City Recruiting Stations for 19 March 05, February 24, 2005; TALON Report 902-07-03-05-167, Subject: Protests Against Recruiting Centers in Springfield, IL Area on 18 March 05, March 7, 2005.
19. "Pentagon Statement on Domestic Intelligence Surveillance," www.fas.org, accessed December 15, 2005; Gerry J. Gilmore, "DoD Orders Review of Anti-Threat Intel-Gathering System," December 15, 2005, www.defenselink.mil.
20. "Pentagon Statement on Domestic Intelligence Surveillance."
21. Gordon England, Memorandum, Subject: Retention and Use of Information for the TALON System," January 13, 2006.
22. Robert W. Rogalski, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense (Counterintelligence and Security) to Senator Carl Levin, January 27, 2006.
23. Ibid.
24. Spiegel, "Pentagon Threat Database Kept Reports It Shouldn't Have"; Gordon England, Memorandum, Subject: Threats to the Department of Defense (DoD), March 30, 2006.
25. Mark Mazzetti, "Pentagon Intelligence Chief Proposes Ending a Database," New York Times, April 25, 2007, p. A16; Walter Pincus, "Pentagon to End Talon Data-Gathering Program," www.washingtonpost.com, April 25, 2007.
26. Inspector General, Department of Defense, Report No. 07-INTEL-09, The Threat and Local Observation Notice (TALON) Report Program, June 27, 2007, pp. 1-2.
27. Office of the Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs), "DoD to Implement Interim Threat Reporting Procedures," August 21, 2007; Sara Wood, Armed Forces Press Service, "Defense Department to Close Talon System," www.defenselink.mil, August 21, 2007; Associated Press, "Pentagon to Shut controversial database," www.msnbc.com, August 21, 2007.

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 Boeing and the USAF
 

A Mission to Rebuild Reputations
Upcoming Deals to Test Reforms at Air Force, Boeing

By Dana Hedgpeth
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, January 17, 2008; D01

The pledges made by the military and one of its biggest contractors were unusually earnest. The Air Force and Boeing would be open about their relationships, overhaul their ethics reviews and tighten their internal controls. And they promised to give taxpayers the best deals possible.

It was the summer of 2006, and they were still feeling the effects of one of the biggest government procurement scandals of recent times.

Boeing had just agreed with the Justice Department to pay $615 million -- the biggest penalty paid by a defense contractor -- to settle allegations of misconduct, including assertions that its chief financial officer had conspired with a senior Air Force official to win work; and it had lost a contract worth about $20 billion to lease refueling tanker planes to the Air Force. The service's former top procurement official and Boeing's former chief financial officer went to prison. Confidence in the Air Force's procurement system was at a low. The promises were meant to signal a new beginning.

Now those promises -- and the public's perception of the Air Force's ability to spend its money prudently -- are being tested by new contracting and public relations challenges. The Air Force is about to award two key contracts worth a total of about $55 billion, and Boeing is in the running for both deals.

One is a $40 billion plan to build the refueling tankers, a second run at the deal that was canceled after former Air Force procurement chief Darleen Druyun admitted to negotiating for a job with Boeing while representing the Air Force. The other is a $15 billion contract for search-and-rescue helicopters. Boeing had won that contract, but it was suspended when two competitors protested.

The contracts are the two biggest for the Air Force since the Druyun scandal, and the service has identified them as its top acquisition priorities and crucial to maintaining its fleets. In both competitions, Boeing's bids have come under particular scrutiny, not only because the company's awards were earlier nullified, but because some of its competitors are again raising protests.

"Boeing and the Air Force are both certainly coming under the microscope," said James McAleese, an adviser to government contractors. "The American people, Congress and the Pentagon have high expectations now that they say they've cleaned up their act."

The Pressure's On

Boeing officials said they were anxious to win because so few big deals are up for grabs these days.

"The pressure is becoming more intense to win," said Chris Raymond, Boeing's vice president of business development for integrated defense systems.

"We want to win ethically. We want to win the right way," said Bill Barksdale, a Boeing spokesman for the tanker program.

The tanker contract will help the Air Force replace its fleet of KC-135 refueling planes, which have been in service for almost 50 years. The tankers enable U.S. military planes to refuel in the air, giving them vastly more range than if they had to land at refueling bases. The Air Force expects to award the contract in February.

Boeing has proposed building a new tanker from parts of its 767 commercial planes. Boeing is competing with a team of Northrop Grumman and European Aeronautic Defence and Space, parent company of Airbus, Boeing's rival in the commercial aviation market. Their proposed tanker is based on the Airbus A330 passenger jet.

The Air Force said it was trying to make the tanker competition a model for acquisitions by having more back and forth between the service and each bidding team, so they clearly understand what the Air Force sought and the degree to which their proposals met the requirements.

Ken Miller, a former top Navy official hired by the secretary of the Air Force two years ago to improve the transparency of its acquisition process, said he's had more than 100 meetings in the past year with congressional leaders to update them on the process. A winner was expected to be chosen in October, but the Air Force postponed the decision until early this year.

"We've had a lot of people interested in the tanker," Miller said. "It's been a perception issue to deal with. We've been much more cautious and deliberate in everything we do."

The Air Force has had a bumpier road finding a new search-and-rescue helicopter. Its acquisition process has come under scrutiny at three congressional hearings.

It awarded the contract, known as CSAR-X, to Boeing in November 2006. But two competitors -- Lockheed Martin and Sikorsky, a unit of United Technologies -- filed two rounds of protests with the Government Accountability Office, alleging in one that the Air Force improperly evaluated the costs of maintaining the helicopters. The GAO sustained the protests both times -- a rarity, experts say -- and in October the Air Force asked the teams for new bids on the deal. A winner is expected to be chosen this summer.

Sue C. Payton, assistant secretary of the Air Force for acquisition, said the Air Force "could have done better" in the helicopter acquisition by having more debriefings earlier in the process to explain to bidders where they stood "relative to their cost and relative to their strengths and weaknesses." In current competitions, she said, "we will make sure that we're communicating exactly why someone loses, so they don't ever get up and walk away from a table and not know why there weren't selected as the winner."

Under Close Scrutiny

Competitors and analysts have sharply criticized the Air Force for making what they say are changes in the requirements to favor Boeing, a claim the Air Force denies. The Project on Government Oversight, a government watchdog group, said that by changing a requirement that the helicopter be judged partly on the basis of how quickly it could be ready to go on a mission, the Air Force "weakened one of the most important requirements" of the contract "to allow Boeing to compete."

Miller, who is special assistant to the secretary of the Air Force for acquisition governance and transparency, said no changes have been made to the Air Force's requirements on the helicopter to benefit Boeing.

Observers say the Air Force is trying to avoid any actions that would prompt protests on both deals. "They know their relationship with Boeing is hypersensitive," said Phil Finnegan, a defense analyst at the Teal Group in Fairfax. "The Air Force is going to do everything to make sure it doesn't look like anything is tilted in the least toward Boeing."

Boeing says it has made improvements to strengthen the ethics and integrity in its policies and procedures. It combined three divisions to create the Office of Internal Governance, which employs 600 people and helps ensure that all employees get ethics training and that deals are executed fairly.

The Air Force shifted its selection process from one person with virtually absolute power, as Druyun had, to decisions made by the top acquisition official who gets input from advisers.

"We want to be more transparent, have more communication, more checks and balances to improve our process and credibility," Miller said.

Another, smaller contract that arose from the Druyun controversy was settled in a way that illustrates the Air Force's new approach to procurement.

When Druyun admitted in 2004 that she favored Boeing in awarding it a deal worth up to $4 billion, with options, to design, build and install new electronics kits for Lockheed Martin C-130 cargo planes, Lockheed, L-3 Communications and BAE Systems protested. The GAO sustained their protests. The Air Force said it would be too costly to reopen the entire contract, but it agreed to hold a full and open competition for production and installation of the kits.

The Air Force is planning to award a sole-source contract to Boeing to build a small fraction of the 222 kits it needs. Boeing, two Air Force depots, and two yet-to-be-named commercial competitors will install those kits on C-130 aircraft to ensure the Boeing design is accurate, according to the service.

It is a move Boeing's competitors and watchdog groups say shows that the Air Force is likely to choose Boeing to produce the remaining kits, even though Boeing is nearly $1 billion over budget and 18 months late on the design and development part of the deal. An Air Force official denies the allegations, saying there will be a full and open competition to build the remaining kits and install them on C-130 aircraft.

New Set of Allegations

On another deal, Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) has also questioned the Air Force's procurement process. He led the effort to shelve the tanker deal and later praised Boeing's internal changes and its decision to not write off its $615 million settlement two years ago, saying it "conveys to me how serious the company is to truly reforming and starting fresh."

But last fall McCain asked the Pentagon's inspector general to investigate whether the Air Force had improper communication with Boeing about a multibillion-dollar purchase of its C-17 transport planes. The president didn't support buying more planes in his budget request to Congress and the Pentagon said it neither needed nor could afford the planes.

In a December letter, McCain said he had "uncovered compelling evidence of possible wrongdoing in the Air Force's interaction with the contractor on the C17 matter." McCain also said that "in its rank aggressiveness, the evidence I found . . . is not unlike some of what I observed in the Boeing tanker lease scandal."

Boeing and the Air Force deny the allegations. Boeing says it decided independently of any knowledge from the Air Force to keep its C-17 line open in case the service decides to fund the planes. Rick Sanford, a Boeing spokesman, said there has "absolutely not" been any ethical breaches between the service and Boeing.

Posted by Victorian Muse at 11:46 PM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
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